David D. Hall. The Faithful Shepherd: A History of the New England Ministry in the Seventeenth Century. University of North Carolina Press, 1972.
I took Professor Hall for a class on early American religion back
when I was a student at Harvard Divinity School. I enjoyed the subject
matter, especially the part of the class about the Puritans (and you can
read about my interest in the Puritans here). I also liked Professor Hall’s dry sense of humor in his lectures.
The Faithful Shepherd is about Puritanism in America. It is
set against the background of Puritanism in England, as well as the
Protestant Reformation. The book is also about how Puritanism in
America began a certain way and drifted away from that with new
generations.
According to David Hall, Puritanism in seventeenth century America
was congregationalist. That means that each congregation was
independent and rather democratic. Each congregation was to be an
exclusive holy community, and people had to demonstrate repentance and
the work of God’s grace on their lives in order to join a particular
Puritan church. Some of these trends began in England, as Puritanism
there opposed the priestly system of the Church of England in favor of a
congregational model. At the same time, there was diversity within
English Puritanism, for some Puritans preferred to work within the
system rather than in opposition to it, and there were Puritans who were
not particularly exclusive about church membership: they were open to
welcoming people to church even if they did not meet specific criteria
of repentance or grace, out of the hope that God could use church as a
way to make himself known to these people. The Puritanism that came to
America, however, did so with the goal of establishing an exclusive holy
community.
Hall details the conflicts involving Puritanism in seventeenth
century America. Puritans had a complex relationship with the state:
they wanted the state to enforce certain religious laws, yet they did
not care for how people went over the church’s head and went to the
state to get what they wanted. Some magistrates wanted the colonists to
focus more on farming than attending election sermons. Meanwhile,
non-members were resentful of how exclusive the churches were as well as
the special privileges that church members were receiving. The church
was rather small, but second generation Puritans became more open to an
inclusive stance, and third generation Puritans became even more open to
it. Times were changing, and harsh jeremiads about God’s wrath were
not stemming the tide!
Something that surprised me as I read this book was the Puritan
stances towards the church sacraments. These stances reminded me of the
view of Christians who argue that baptism is irrelevant to salvation,
for what saves a person is faith. For some reason, I was expecting the
Puritans to have a stronger view of the sacraments than that.
Another issue that interested me was that of faith and works.
Puritans believed in God’s grace, yet many of them treated good works as
a means through which God can show grace. Meanwhile, Anne Hutchinson
and the antinomians were exhorting people, not to focus on their good
works or whether they were manifesting proper signs of repentance and
God’s grace on their hearts, but rather to look to Christ alone: to
desire Christ. I identify with both perspectives, probably with the
latter a bit more.
There was a lot of nuance in this book, and sometimes I had
difficulty keeping track of the characters and who believed what. I did
enjoy the book, however, on account of its nuance, and also my love for
the Puritans. As I looked at Hall’s bibliography, I was tempted to
check out those books (or more current books about the same topics).
I came across a couple of interesting Jewish interpretations in my study of I Chronicles 9. Here are two items.
1. I Chronicles 9:2 states: “Now the first inhabitants that dwelt in their possessions in their cities were, the Israelites, the priests, Levites, and the Nethinims” (KJV).
Who were the Nethinim? The Nethinim were non-Israelites who were
given to the Levites to assist them in their work surrounding the
Tabernacle, later the Temple. E.W. Bullinger in his comment on I
Chronicles 9:2 refers to Numbers 31:47 and Ezra 8:20. Numbers 31:47
states that Moses took one out of fifty of the men from Israel’s plunder
and gave them to the Levites. These men were foreign captives from
Israel’s war. And Ezra 8:20 states that David and the princes appointed
Nethinim to serve the Levites.
According to Jastrow’s dictionary, rabbinic literature interpreted
the Nethinim to be the descendants of the Gibeonites, who appear in
Joshua 9. The Gibeonites were Canaanites, and they were afraid that
they would be destroyed in Israel’s conquest of Canaan. Consequently,
they sent representatives to Joshua, falsely claimed to be from a
faraway country, and tricked Joshua into entering an alliance with
them. Joshua did so, which meant that he could not destroy the
Gibeonites. Later, when Joshua learned that the Gibeonites had
misrepresented themselves to him, Joshua made them “hewers of wood and
drawers of water for the congregation, and for the altar of the LORD,
even unto this day, in the place which he should choose” (Joshua 9:27
KJV). Since the Gibeonites served the altar, as the Nethinim did,
rabbinic literature tended to associate the Nethinim with the
Gibeonites.
The Gibeonites appear again in II Samuel 21. God has sent a famine
to Israel, and the reason is that King David’s predecessor, King Saul,
killed Gibeonites. II Samuel 21 does not mention Joshua, but the reason
that God in II Samuel 21 was so mad at Saul may have been that Saul
violated Joshua’s promise not to kill the Gibeonites, or at least Saul
violated the alliance between Israel and the Gibeonites for which Joshua
9 attempts to provide an etiology. David in II Samuel 21 asks the
Gibeonites what he should do, and they suggest that he hang seven of the
sons of Saul. David does so, and the famine goes away.
This story is an example of how disturbing the Old Testament can be
to modern people, who generally believe that people should be punished
for their own sins, not the sins of their parents or ancestors. They
may have problems with hanging, too, though I am sure that there are
conservatives who believe that we should return to that as a method of
capital punishment. It turns out that there were rabbis who found the
story to be disturbing, too. According to Babylonian Talmud Yebamoth
78b-c, Saul killed Gibeonites indirectly, when he slaughtered the
priests of Nob in I Samuel 22. The idea here is that the priests were
the ones who were supplying the Gibeonites with food, since the
Gibeonites worked for the priests, and so, by killing the priests of
Nob, Saul was depriving the Gibeonites of food. Years later, during the
events of II Samuel 21, David acceded to the Gibeonites’ request that
he hang seven of the sons of Saul to atone for what Saul did to them.
Yet, in B.T. Yebamoth 78b-c, David was not happy with their request. He
considered it to be brutal and unmerciful, and therefore he excluded
the Nethinim from the Israelite community by forbidding them to
intermarry with the Israelites. David himself issued a decree that
would punish descendants for the misdeeds of their ancestors: because of
what Gibeonites in his day requested, their descendants would never be
able to join the community of Israel.
2. I Chronicles 9:20 states: “And Phinehas the son of Eleazar was the ruler over them in time past, and the LORD was
with him” (KJV). The Jewish commentator Rashi seems to wonder why this
verse says that Phinehas the priest ruled Israel in time past. Why
highlight that Phinehas’ rule was in the past? Rashi says that it does
so because Phinehas in the past prophesied to Israel, but God removed
God’s Shechinah (presence) from Phinehas because Phinehas did not annul
Jephthah’s vow to sacrifice his daughter to God (Judges 11). Phinehas
was the priest in Judges 20:28, so Rashi believes that Phinehas was the
priest during the time of Jephthah and had the authority to nullify
Jephthah’s troubling vow. That is one Jewish attempt to deal with
Jepthah’s vow: to say that God disapproved of it!
Incidentally, I wrote in my post here
about the high priesthood and how there appears to be diversity within
the Hebrew Bible about which family should have the high priesthood:
Should it go through Aaron’s son Ithamar (through whom Eli and Abiathar
came), or Aaron’s son Eleazar (though whom Phinehas and, according to
the Chronicler, Zadok came)? I’m not saying that there is any place in
the Hebrew Bible that supports Ithamar, but it is interesting to me that
Ithamar’s descendants were the high priests in I-II Samuel, when God
had promised Eleazar’s son Phinehas an everlasting priesthood in Numbers
25:13, plus Phinehas appears to be the high priest in Judges 20:28.
What happened to Phinehas? Was the priesthood taken away from him and
given to Ithamar’s line? Could the Jewish story of how God removed
God’s presence from Phinehas be (at least in part) an attempt to address
this question? In any case, Phinehas’ line got the high priesthood
back, assuming that Zadok was the descendant of Phinehas.